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Buṣrawī (al-), Tārīḫ al-Buṣrawī. ṣafaḥāt maǧhūla tārīḫ Dimašq fī ʿaṣr al-mamālīk, ed. Akram Ḥasan al-ʿUlabī Damascus, 1988.
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Conermann, Stephan & Seidensticker, Tilman, 2007: “Some remarks on Ibn Tawq’s (d. 915/1509) Journal al-Taʿliq, vol. 1 (885/1480 to 890/1485)”, Mamlūk Studies Review 11, p. 121-135.
De Certeau, Michel, 2006: “Praktiken im Raum”, in Jörg Dünne & Stephan Günzel (ed.), Raumtheorien. Grundlagentexte aus Philosophie und Kulturwissenschaften, Frankfurt, Suhrkamp, p. 343-353 [French original 1980].
Edson, Evelyn, Savage-Smith, Emilie, Brincken, Anna-Dorothee (Von den), 2005: Der Mittelalterliche Kosmos. Karten der christlichen und islamischen Welt, Darmstadt, Primus.
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Grehan, James, 2007: Everyday Life & Consumer Culture in 18th-Century Damascus, Seattle, London, University of Washington Press.
Guo, Li, 2008: “Book Review: Al-Taʿlīq: Yawmīyāt Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad Ibn Ṭawq”, Mamlūk Studies Review 12, p. 210-218.
Guo, Li, 2001: “Al-Biqāʿī’s Chronicle: a Fifteenth century Learned Man’s Reflection on his Time and World”, in Hugh Kennedy (ed.), The Historiography of Islamic Egypt (c. 950-1800), Leiden/Boston/Köln, p. 121-148.
Hirschler, Konrad, 2006: Medieval Arabic Historiography. Authors as Actors, London, Routledge.
Irwin, Robert, 2006: “Mamluk History and Historians”, in Roger Allen & Donald S. Richards (ed.), Arabic Literature in the Post-Classical Period, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, p. 159-170.
Klaiber, Theodor, 1921: Die deutsche Selbstbiographie, Stuttgart, J.B. Metzler.
Langner, Barbara, 1983: Untersuchungen zur historischen Volkskunde Ägyptens nach mamlukischen Quellen. Berlin.
Lapidus, Ira Marvin, 1967: Muslim Cities in the Later Middle Ages, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard University Press.
Lapidus, Ira Marvin, 1969: “Muslim Cities and Islamic Societies”, in Ira Marvin Lapidus (ed.), Middle Eastern Cities. A Symposium on Ancient, Islamic and Contemporary Middle Eastern Urbanism, Berkeley, Los Angeles, p. 47-79.
Lassner, Jacob, 1970: The topography of Baghdad in the early Middle Ages. Text and studies, Detroit.
Leider, Stefan, 2005: “Damaskus: Entwicklung einer islamischen Metropole (12.-14. Jh.) und ihre Grundlagen”, in Thomas Bauer & Ulrike Stehli-Werbeck (ed.), Alltagsleben und materielle Kultur in der arabischen Sprache und Literatur. Festschrift für Heinz Grotzfeld zum 70. Geburtstag, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, p. 233-250.
Leeuwen, Richard van, 1999: Waqfs and Urban Structures. The Case of Ottoman Damascus, Leiden, Boston, Köln, Brill.
Lefebvre, Henri, 2007: The Production of Space, Blackwell (French Original 1974).
Makdisi, George, 1986: “The Diary in Islamic Historiography: Some Notes, History and Theory 25, p. 173-185.
Marcus, Abraham, 1989: The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity. Aleppo in the Eighteenth century, New York, Oxford, Columbia University Press.
Meier, Astrid & Weber, Stefan, 2005: “Suq al-Qutn and Suq al-Suf. Development, Organization and Patterns of the Everyday Life of a Damascene Neighbourhood”, in Peder Mortensen (ed.), Bayt al-ʿAqqad. The History and Restoration of a House in Old Damascus, Aarhus, Lancaster, Oakville, Aarhus Universitetsforlag, p. 379-430.
Molotch, Harvey, 1993: “The Space of Lefebvre”, Theory and Society 22, p. 887-895.
Musallam, Bassim F., 1983: Sex and Society in Islam. Birth Control Before the Nineteenth century, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Rapoport, Yossef, 2007: “Women and Gender in Mamluk Society+ an Overview”, Mamlūk Studies Review 11, p. 1-45.
Rapoport, Yossef, 2005: Marriage, Money and Divorce in Medieval Islamic Society, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Robinson, Chase F., 2007: Islamic Historiography, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Rosenthal, Franz, 1968: A History of Muslim Historiography (2nd revised edition), Leiden, Brill.
Sack, Dorothée, 1989: Damaskus. Entwicklung und Struktur einer orientalisch-islamischen Stadt, Mainz am Rhein, P. von Zabern.
Sievert, Henning, 2003: Der Herrscherwechsel im Mamlukensultanat: historische und historiographische Untersuchungen zu Abū Ḥāmid al-Qudsī und Ibn Taġrībirdī, Berlin, Klaus Schwarz Verlag.
Walker, Bethany J., 2004: “Commemorating the Sacred Spaces of the Past: The Mamluks and the Umayyad Mosque at Damascus”, Near Eastern Archaeology 67, p. 26-39.
Weber, Stefan, 2001: Zeugnisse kulturellen Wandels. Stadt, Architektur und Gesellschaft des osmanischen Damaskus im 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhundert, (diss. FU Berlin), http://www.diss.fu-berlin.de/2006/441.
Weintritt, Otfried, 2008: Arabische Geschichtsschreibung in den arabischen Provinzen des Osmanischen Reiches (16.-18. Jahrhundert), Hamburg-Schenefeld, EB-Verlag.
Zahnd, Urs Martin, 1999: “Stadtchroniken und autobiographische Mitteilungen”, in Klaus Arnold, Sabine Schmolinsky & Urs Martin Zahnd (ed.), Das dargestellte Ich. Studien zu Selbstzeugnissen des späteren Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit, Bochum, p. 29-51.
Ziadeh, Nicolas, 1953: Urban Life in Syria Under the Early Mamlūks, Beirut, American University of Beirut Press.
The higher estimates are from the 14th and 15th centuries. The lower counts are from 16th century Ottoman censuses ; Lapidus 1967, p. 79.
Sack 1989, p. 45.
Sack 1989, p. 56.
In this article I will rely exclusively on the edition published in four volumes by the French Institute for Middle Eastern Studies (Ifpo) in Damascus from 2000 to 2007. I will not deal with the manuscript of the text which does not only cover twenty years (885/1480+ 906/1500) but continues for either two years (foreword in Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, i, p. 7) or even eight more years until one year before the author’s death (foreword in Buṣrawī, Tārīḫ, p. 11). The four volumes are distinguished by roman numbers (i-iv),
Guo 2008, p. 215.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, iii, p. 1253.
Ibid., p. 1254.
Guo 2008, p. 210.
Ziadeh 1953, p. 82.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, I, p. 9.
Al-Ġazzī, Kawākib, i, p. 126. Ibn Ṭawq is also mentioned in the entry on his patron; see below.
E.g. al-Buṣrawī, Tārīḫ; Ibn al-Ḥimṣī, Ḥawādiṯ.
He regularly receives visitors from Ǧarūd : a mubāšir and a ḫaṭīb as well as one šayḫ Muḥammad, and he is still informed about social events in the village ; he also travels there himself occasionally ; Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, i, p. 26, 64, 76 ; ii, p. 543, iv, p. 1911.
Ibid. i, p. 9.
Marcus 1989, p. 38.
In 887/1482-3, the author mentions that he rented, among other things, the part of the lower house and the story (ṭabaqa) which beforehand belonged to his uncle’s granddaughter, for a hundred dirham a year. See Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, i, p. 206.
Ibid., iv, p. 1697.
Rapoport 2005, p. 106.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, i, p. 449. This situation seems to repeat itself later on ; ibid. iii, p. 1159.
Ibn Ṭawq speaks of each of them as umm al-awlād, a legal term which denotes a freed slave-girl who bore her master children.
Ibid. i, p. 442; iii, p. 1095.
Ibid. i, p. 9.
Henceforth I will refer to the author’s patron as the šayḫ to avoid ambiguities with regard to other Damascene šayḫ-s.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, i, p. 197, 227-228.
Ibid. ii, p. 580-581. According to an ancient Damascene custom a pious person should sleep in the bridal bed the three nights before the wedding ; Guo 2008, p. 212.
Al-Ġazzī, Kawākib, i, p. 114.
Ibid., p. 115.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, i, p. 298.
To give a selection only from the first one hundred pages of the journal: the šayḫ freed a judge, (ibid., p. 41); he remained unwavering when the governor wanted to raise money (p. 66); people seek his help because of high sugar price (ibid.); he wants an armistice (p. 67); the muḥtasib seeks his advice (p. 71); he makes an emir tear down a building he had built too high (p. 79); he takes care of some prisoners’ corpses and prays for them (p. 83).
Al-Buṣrawī, Ta’rīḫ, p. 77, 87, 92, 211 ; Ibn al-Ḥimṣī, Ḥawādiṯ, p. 114, 151, 192-193, 206, 221, 252-253, 312, 396, 423, 447, 557.
Lapidus 1967, p. 93. Ibn Ṭawq does not transmit this episode. At other times, he obscures the šayḫ’s role in freeing the riotous šayḫ Mubārak. See Lapidus 1967, p. 106; Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, iii, p. 1288-1289.
Al-Ġazzī, Kawākib, i, p. 114-118.
The šayḫ lived in polygamy housing his wives in different quarters of the city.
Quarrels between the šayḫ and his wife are frequently mentioned; e.g. Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, i, p. 25, 521-522, 533; ii, p. 584, 587, 1049. For cases of sickness, see Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, i, p. 91, 122-123, 126, 522-528, 541, 546; II, p. 641, 789, 1009-1019; iii, p. 1107-1108, 1157-1159 ; the šayḫ did not go to the teaching session because he was furious with one of his sons (iii, p. 1091). Furthermore, a wife of the šayḫ got injured (i, p. 94), another had a miscarriage (i, p. 102). A couple of days after the šayḫ even spoke of divorce from his Egyptian wife, Ibn Ṭawq asked him if he was going through with it (ii, p. 744, 747).
Amelang 2007, p. 133.
Conermann 2003, p. 11. I do not intend to single out Ibn Ṭawq as the first author to write a diary in Arabic. On the contrary, the practice seems to have been widespread for centuries ; Makdisi 1986; also Conermann & Seidensticker 2007.
Weintritt 2008, p. 19.
The tendency to record personally important events happened at the same tine in renaissance Italy where traditionally historiographical chronicles were used in a new way to fix personal or family history, such as births, deaths, harvests, celebrations. Holm 2008, p. 12.
Irwin 2006, p. 160; also Guo 2001.
Rapoport 2007, p. 3.
Guo 2001, p. 132.
Such works were ‘published in the context of teaching. They were read to an audience of one’s students who, in turn, wrote them down again and made copies of the original text. See Rosenthal 1968, p. 173–174 ; Robinson 2007, p. 181-82.
For emplotment and use of stylistic elements in chronicles, see Hirschler 2006, chapters 5 (p. 63-85) and 6 (p. 86-114).
Chamberlain 1994, p. 18-21.
Holm 2008, p. 26.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, iv, p. 1743.
There were, of course, limits to his willingness to tell about private business, especially with regard to his own wife. Her name is never mentioned, and she appears quite amorphous throughout the text.
For a list of contracts from the 2nd and 3rd volume, see Guo 2008, p. 216-17.
Al-Ġazzī, Kawākib, i, p. 115.
Guo 2008, p. 210.
An exception is the introduction to the year 902/1496-1497 where the list of notables appears only in the entry for Muḥarram 1st. Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, iii, p. 1439f.
E.g. Wulzinger & Watzinger 1924 ; Sack 1989 ; Burns 2005.
E.g. Lapidus 1967.
For this quote and the following, see Oleg Grabar’s foreword in Lassner 1970, p. 12-13.
Recently, Lefebvre’s concept of space has been fruitfully utilised by Harithy 2001 and Leeuwen 1999.
All citations refer to a German translation of the introduction in « The Production of Space » (Lefebvre 2006).
Lefebvre 2006, p. 331.
On the muḥtasib and his duties, see Ziadeh, p. 118f., 122-25; see also Essid 1995, chapter IV.
Sack 1989, p. 45.
Lapidus 1967, p. 51.
There was no cohesive image of space but gives room to a lot of ideas, ranging from cosmology and astronomy through maritime literature and travel accounts to the genre of ʿaǧāʾib, fantastic accounts of far away and often legendary countries and the wonders one could see there; an interesting study is Brauer 1995 on the role of frontiers and boundaries.
See al-Nuʿaymī, Dāris; Ibn ʿAsākir, Tārīḫ.
See articles « Faḍīla » and « al-Maḥāsin wa-l-Masāwī », E.I.2, respectively ii, p. 729, and v, p. 1223. Ibn Ǧubayr emulates their perspective on Damascus in his own account of the city. Ibn Ǧubayr, Riḥla, p. 271-294.
Lefebvre 2007, p. 340; employed with regard to architecture in Cairo by Harithy 2001.
Ibn Ṭawq mentions a couple of architects (miʿmar) but rarely in the context of construction works: e.g. the father of the šayḫ al-miʿmar (the architect) šayḫ ʿUbaid died; the architect al-Ṭībī whose daughter died (iii, p. 1122, 1127).
Lefebvre 2007, p. 336.
Ibid., p. 339f.
Molotch 1993, p. 888.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, iii, p. 1252.
Ibid., IV, p. 1560.
Musallam 1983, p. 117.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, iii, p. 1121, 1136.
Ibid., iii, p. 1123.
E.g., Ibn Ṭawq writes “Damascus” when news of an Ottoman offensive upset the city, or when an Anatolian woman came through on her way back from Cairo. Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, ii, p. 765; iii, p. 1278.
Ibid., p. 1288-89.
Ibid., p. 1288.
Only two city maps are known from the medieval Islamic world, one of the Tunisian city al-Mahdiyah and one of Tinnis in the delta of the Nile. Edson 2005, p. 107.
Al-Nuʿaymī, Dāris, ii, p. 346.
Ibid., ii, p. 346 ; i, p. 16.
Ibid., p. 1100.
Lapidus 1967, p. 94.
Leeuwen 1999, p. 189.
Lapidus 1967, p. 86.
For fights between quarters see Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, i, p. 23, 462, 504, 505, 520; ii, p. 762, 770, 775, 776; iv, p. 1533-1536. See also for their interpretation according to Ibn Ṭūlūn, Lapidus 1967.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, iv, p. 1549, 1555.
Ibid., p. 1569.
Lapidus 1967, p. 87.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, iii, p. 1135, 1131, 1137, 1124; iv, p. 1649.
Ibid., iii, p. 1363.
Ibid., iv, p. 1714.
See above footnote 2, p. 1.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, iii, p. 1260.
Also Gardens’ Gate, cf. Élisséeff, La description de Damas, p. 329.
Ibid., ii, p. 811-812.
Lapidus 1969, p. 70.
Leder 2005, p. 237; for its importance for the Mamluks, see Walker 2004.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq I, p. 40, 46, 55.
In 903/1497-1498 the governor was praying there, once to the right of the prayer niche (miḥrāb) (Ibid., IV, p. 1619), once in “mull and linen” (Ibid., p. 1626).
Guo 2008, p. 212.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, ii, p. 684.
Ibid., iii, p. 1229.
Ibid. i, p. 81.
Ibid., i, p. 125; ii, p. 601.
Ibid., i, p. 65.
Ibid., i, p. 81.
Ibid., p. 103.
Ibid., iv, p. 1904.
Grehan 2007, p. 95.
Leeuwen 1999, p. 185.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, iii, p. 1501.
Grehan 2007, p. 161.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, i, p. 127; ii, p. 702; iv, p. 1859.
For a study on allegiance within Mamlūk households, Henning Sievert proposed a model of four ideal types of group allegiance based on kinship, patronage, friendship or similar geographic or ethnic background. An exclusiveness of one of these types, however, is never found in Ibn Ṭawq’s journal. Sievert 2003, p. 104.
In contrast to other members of his family Ibn Ṭawq’s brothers stay almost invisible. I found only two remarks on them; once the son of his brother Šuʿayb was present at a meeting in the Ġazāliyya school, and in the occasion of his brother Ibn al-Yaʿmūrī’s death. Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, p. 578, 581.
Ibid., p. 667, 531.
A selection from the year 886/1481-1482 gives an idea of how often he went to such places. Excluded are his appearances for the Friday prayers; Ibid., i, p. 43, 46, 54, 57, 62, 65-8, 72-3, 75, 84, 87-90, 103, 107, 109, 112. These are just the denoted appearances. The frequency was probably higher in reality, judging from all the news he received from and about other ulama without naming the place where he received them.
In the journal five different šayḫ-s appear under this name. Additional attributes are not always given. Moreover, the author’s son and one son of the šayḫ carry the same name as well.
When šayḫ Abū al-Faḍl was away in 886/1481-1482, Ibn Ṭawq noted whenever a letter arrived. Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, i, p. 76, 91, 96, 106, 116, 121.
In the years 890 and 891/1485-1487 Ibn Ṭawq mentions frequent mutual sleepovers of their households which could last up to a week. Ibid., p. 443, 453, 469, 479, 519, 618, 664. Also, Ibn Ṭawq and the šayḫ paid each other mutual visits in this time; ibid., p. 430, 436-7, 447, 455, 481, 533, 538, 542, 555, 589, 624, 662.
Ibid., ii , p. 594, 597.
Ibid. i, p. 75.
The house had belonged to one Šihāb al-Dīn Ibn al-Muzalliq, not to Qāḍī Šams al-Dīn Muḥammad Ibn al-Muzalliq mentioned by Meier and Weber, who lived in Šāġūr and died in 902 or 903 (1497). Meier & Weber 2005, p. 392. The šayḫ moved there with his Egyptian wife in 897/1491-2. Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, iii, p. 1129.
Ibid., i, p. 154,
Ibid., i, p. 157.
Ibid., ii, p. 592.
Ibid., i, p. 498; iii, p. 1147.
There are only a few indications to the position of the room called murabbaʿ; the small murabbaʿ opened onto the courtyard (ḫawš); ibid., i, p. 109-10, 131. Apparently this room was used for receptions: Ibid., p. 109-110; ii, p. 689.
Ibid., i, p. 35.
Ibid., i, p. 36.
Ibid., i, p. 91.
Ibid., i, p. 107.
Ibid., ii, p. 635.
Ibid., i, p. 739; IV, p. 1560.
Ibid., i p. 159, 309; ii , p. 738-739, 1004; IV, p. 1587, 1690.
Ibid., iii, p. 1482.
Ibid., I, p. 227.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq I, p. 30.
De Certeau 2006, p. 347-349.
Foucault 2006, p. 317.
Ibn Ṭawq, Taʿlīq, I, p. 91, 202, 507 (for the peasants), 85; II , p. 1048.Haut de page